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Instability in Pakistan: Another Argument Against Neo-Isolationism
In the wake of the recent violence provoked by radical Islamists who had been using Islamabad's Red Mosque as a base from which to spread their harsh ideology and Pakistan's efforts to thwart such efforts, the Nawi-i-Waqt (pro-Muslim League) issued a statement that declared, "We say President Musharraf should demonstrate realism. He should think about an honourable retreat. He should take the people into his confidence through a broadcast speech as to when is he going to transfer power to the people." The call to "transfer power to the people" signals that the group wants President Musharraf to resign in favor of Islamist movements that seek power.
Since then, terrorists have carried out a series of suicide bomb attacks, mainly in northwest Pakistan. These attacks have killed some 70 persons. These attacks have been carried out in a bid to destabilize the Musharraf government. At the same time, growing instability in Afghanistan could also have an adverse effect in Pakistan.
In an "unusually blunt warning," Kabul's Pajhwok Afghan News website reported, "the British military chiefs told Downing Street the campaign in Afghanistan was facing 'a catastrophic failure' that could pave the ground for an Islamist government coming to power in Pakistan."
As Pakistan possesses nuclear weapons, the fall of President Musharraf to pro-Taliban elements, could well constitute a development that could rival, in magnitude, the impact of the fall of Iran's Shah in 1979. The fall of a relatively friendly government in Pakistan to pro-Taliban/pro-Al Qaeda elements would have far-reaching adverse ramifications. Pakistan possesses nuclear weapons and know-how. Such a capacity in the hands of militant pro-Taliban/pro-Al Qaeda elements would increase regional and global risks.
While President Bush should be careful to avoid statements or decisions that would place additional pressure on the embattled Musharraf government or a demand for elections in an environment in which hostile elements could well prevail, the overall situation and its enormous stakes strongly argue against a "hands off" approach by the United States.
The next President might well be required to make some critical choices. If a friendly opposition wins power through elections, assuming they are not canceled, the U.S. may well have to decide whether to deepen foreign assistance to that government. If elections are postponed or canceled, and pro-Taliban elements are poised to gain power, the U.S. might well have to make decisions as to whether to provide covert assistance to Pakistan.
If the U.S. is to have a reasonable opportunity to shape the evolution of events in a fashion that is compatible with promoting stability in south Asia and safeguarding its critical interests, it will need to play a diplomatic role, at a minimum, and perhaps a larger role that might include covert assistance. A "non-intervention" approach would treat the pro-Taliban elements, friendly opposition, and President Musharraf's government as essentially the same. It would apply strict neutrality and let Pakistan evolve as it does. The implications, of course, would differ markedly if a pro-Taliban leadership gained power in Pakistan. Therefore, this is yet another large international issue that strongly argues against a neo-isolationist U.S. approach to foreign policy.
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